Historic Trails Blog

The Royal Roads

1/21/2020

Three Spanish Royal Roads originating in Mexico City and allowing exchange of goods and resources throughout their northern empire.

  How did the early North American trails come to be? A few were built after Europeans arrived, but most trails already existed in some form. Some trails were made by buffalo herds that led to the best places to ford rivers or pathways to find water at any time of year. When the early Indians arrived they naturally used the buffalo trails as part of their extensive network throughout the continent for trading goods such as maize seeds, obsidian knives, shells, and tobacco.
   When the Spanish came to North America they soon began exporting its resources, especially precious metals. Spanish miners used existing trails, along with newly built ones, to silver mines for hauling in the supplies and bringing out the silver ore. Spain’s main goal was to extract the silver and other mineral wealth of Mexico and ship it to Spain. The roads within Mexico linked the seat of government in Mexico City with mines, farms, missions, and military outposts.
   Under Spanish colonial rule any road under the direct jurisdiction of the Spanish crown was considered to be a camino real (royal road). They
began improving the trails using the labor of soldiers, Indians, and any other help they could coerce. They cut and filled the roughest places and placed rocks alongside as markers.
   Despite their grand name the Spanish royal roads were nothing fancy. Often they were no more than a series of crosses blazed into tree trunks or stone markers along an old Indian trail, showing travelers the right way to go, with no ferries or bridges crossing the rivers. Eventually Spain had a fragmented web of roads linking Mexico with Nacogdoches in East Texas, Santa Fe in New Mexico, and San Francisco in California. By 1779 a mail service was begun that delivered letters 1,138 miles from Mexico City to Nacogdoches in three months.
   Once Mexico won its independence from Spain in 1821 the roads were no longer called Royal Roads but they continued to be important trade routes. Later in the twentieth century California reintroduced the term Camino Real along certain highways to promote tourism.
   Three important examples of early Royal Roads are: the Royal Road of Texas, the Royal Road of Interior Lands, and the Royal Road of California.

Royal Road of Texas (El Camino Real de los Tejas)
   In the eighteenth century Spain utilized Indian routes to move goods from Mexico City to settlements in Spanish Texas. Such roads provided routes for settlement from Mexico to lands north of the Rio Grande River. In the late seventeenth century the Spanish governor of Coahuila and Tejas promoted the route for the purpose of destroying a French fort established on what he considered to be Spanish lands. In 1718 he built a fort (presidio) along the route to guard the Mission of San Antonio de Valero and the surrounding settlement of San Antonio which became the first of many communities along the route to Nacogdoches. The old fort and mission church (the Alamo) can still be seen in the city of San Antonio.

Royal Road of Interior Lands (El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro)
   Another trail used by indigenous tribes was a route from the Valley of Mexico (present day Mexico City area) into present day New Mexico for trading such goods as turquoise, obsidian, and salt. As early as AD 1000, a flourishing trade network existed from Mesoamerica to the Rocky Mountains.
   In the early sixteenth century the Spanish began expanding their domain for the purpose of increasing wealth for the Crown. The northward trails led them into the area they called Tierra Adentro (interior lands).
   In 1598 a military contingent led by Juan de Oñate, the newly appointed governor of the province of Santa Fe, was seeking the best route for crossing the Río del Norte (Rio Grande River). Along the way his group became seriously lost and only with the help of a local Indian did they eventually reach El Paso del Norte (present day site of El Paso, TX) which is one of the safest crossings along the Rio Grande River. This trail became the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, connecting another distant outpost to Mexico City.
   From El Paso del Norte Oñate continued northward to the site of the present town of Española, about twenty-six miles north of Santa Fe. He declared this the capital city of the new province. Twelve years later the capital was moved to Santa Fe.
   To help promote trade the Spanish Crown established trade fairs along the route, major events that attracted merchants, craftsmen, and Indians from the region. Fairs in Jalisco, Saltillo, and Taos became important annual events where the Indians from the plains and Rocky Mountain areas traded their goods with the Spanish for weapons, ammunition, horses, and agricultural products. The Camino Real de Tierra Adentro remained of great importance for the next three hundred years. Today hundreds of trucks daily carry Mexican goods into the United States along highways that approximately follow each of the Royal Roads.

Royal Road of California (El Camino Real de California)
   Unlike previous routes discussed here, the purpose of the Royal Road of California was to connect about thirty-four Spanish missions established to convert the natives to Christianity. It stretched 1,250 miles along the west coast from Mexico City to the present San Francisco Bay Area with another branch from the southern end of Baja California. Many other regional routes in Florida and Mexico were also used by the Spanish to build missions for the conversion of native peoples.
  Between 1683 and 1834 Jesuit and, after 1768, Franciscan missionaries operated the missions coercing the tribes to live in settlements around the mission, adopt Christianity, and become farmers. The missionaries introduced European methods of raising fruits, vegetables, cattle, and horses, and construction skills. This move purposely disrupted the Indians’ normal way of life and made them substantially dependent on the Europeans.
   Although the experiment lasted about 150 years, the results seemed to be good from the Spanish point of view but poor for the Indians. The missions have been accused by critics, then and now, of various abuses and oppression.
   One important function of the Camino Real de California was to maintain communication among all the missions as well as with the authorities in Spain. They were placed a days’ horseback ride apart, or approximately thirty miles. The route between missions also stayed near the coast except where coastal cliffs prevented it.
   Some of the original Camino Real de California has been continually upgraded until it is now part of the modern California highway system (US 101 and State highways 1 and 82) and is roughly traced by a series of state commemorative bell markers.

Sources:
Crump, S. California's Spanish Missions: Their Yesterdays and Todays. Del Mar, California: Trans-Anglo Books. 1975.

Green, Carl R. The Mission Trails in American History. Berkeley Heights, New Jersey: Enslow Publishers. 2001.

Palmer, G. and S. L. Fosberg. El Camino Real de Tierra Dentro. Santa Fe, New Mexico: Bureau of Land Management. 1999.

Sundby, Edie. The Mission Walker. Nashville, Tennessee: Littlefield W. Publishing. an imprint of Thomas Nelson. 2017.

The Texas State Library and Archives Commission. The Kings' Highways. Austin, Texas. 2019. (Website: tsl.texas.gov/exhibits/highways/kingshighways)

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Accident and Illness on the Trails

11/6/2019

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Sketch of Crossing North Platte River in 1859 , Artist unknown.

Upset Wagon on Oregon Trail in Wyoming, Photographer unknown

Site of Quintina Snodderly’s grave near the North Platte River east of Casper, Wyo. The fence and marker were erected by the Oregon-California Trails Association. Randy Brown photographer.

Roger M McCoy

   Life on the westward trails was very difficult even in the best of conditions. Weather was an adversary with extremes of heat or torrential rains and flooded streams. Along with environmental hazards there was the ever present danger of life-threatening illness, especially cholera, typhoid, or dysentery.
   Wagon trains usually had no trained doctor and most treatments for diseases consisted of home remedies and a prayer, neither of which gave a reliable outcome. Most people in the nineteenth century had some knowledge of remedies for various diseases and books provided a complete list. One such book of home remedies included the two recipes below:
A recipe for “Cough Surrup” was: Boil the lickrish root to thick molasses. Take 1 fluid oz Balm Gilead buds, 1 gil vinigar, 1 gil strong sirrip of skunk cabbage root, ½ fluid oz tincter libelia. Take a tea spoon full or so as often as the case requires to keep the plegm loos to rais easy.
Another called “Mother’s Relief” was a mixture of herbal extracts: including partridge berry vine, unicorn root, blue cohusk, spikenard, bayberry bark, birthroot, raspberry leaves, witch hazel leaves and lady slippers. This was recommended for women to ease the labor of childbirth.
   At least one expectant mother had neither time nor need for making childbirth medicines. Mary Richardson Walker wrote a diary entry on the day of her birth labors:
March 16, 1842: Rose about five. Had early breakfast. Got my work done about 9. Baked six loaves of breads, made a kettle of mush and have now a suet pudding and beef boiling. I have managed to put my clothes away and set everything in order. May the Merciful be with me through the unexpected scene. Nine o’clock p.m. was delivered of another son. [Her statement about the “unexpected scene” was probably a prayer that nothing unexpected would arise.]
Other remedies carried by most migrants in the mid-nineteenth century:
Essence of peppermint for stomach aches.
Pine tar and turpentine for coughing, sore throat, and croup.
Laudanum is an alcoholic solution containing morphine made from opium and used as a
narcotic painkiller. It eased pain and many thought it would also treat cholera, but it was
of no help with diseases.
Whiskey was considered a cure-all, but had little real benefit except for the “feel-good
factor.” It may have helped some with pain.
Hartshorn was made from red deer antlers and was used successfully for insect bites and unsuccessfully for snake bites.
Quinine tea was a treatment for malaria.
Chamomile tea was used for stomach problems and muscle aches. It is still used as a
refreshing drink today.
Vinegar was taken for cholera, but was ineffective.
Castor oil or “Physicking” pills used as a laxatives.

Hazards of Travel
  Migrants encountered many natural hazards on the westward trails. Weather hazards included thunderstorms with high winds, dangerously large hailstones, lightning, and tornadoes. Intense summer heat on the Great Plains caused wood to dry and shrink, and sometimes wagon wheels had to be soaked in rivers at night to keep their iron rims from falling off during the day. The dust on the trail itself could be two or three inches deep and as fine as flour. After a heavy rainstorm the dust turned to mud and slowed movement. Ox shoes sometimes fell off and hooves split. The emigrants’ lips blistered and split in the dry air, and their only remedy was to rub axle grease on their lips. River crossings were probably the greatest danger.
   Add to these hazards the high potential for accidents. Accidents were caused by negligence, exhaustion, guns, animals, and the weather. Every wagon carried at least one gun and the owner sometimes inadvertently shot himself, a friend, or perhaps one of the draft animals when a gun discharged accidentally. Drownings, being crushed by wagon wheels, and injuries from handling domestic animals also led to accidental deaths on the trails.
   Almost ten percent of the migrants on the western trails did not survive the trip. The primary cause of death was disease followed closely by accidents. Cholera was the worst of the illnesses, but dysentery and typhoid were close behind. All three ailments were carried by contaminated water in streams and poor sanitation. Cholera was especially fast acting. A person could feel normal in the morning, in agony by noon and dead by evening. If death did not occur within the first twelve to twenty-four hours, the victim usually recovered. Children and the elderly were most vulnerable to any of these diseases. Martha Freel wrote of losing most of her family in the summer of 1852, …”we have lost 7 persons in a few short days, all died of Cholera.”
   Deaths along the trail, especially among young children and mothers in childbirth, were the most heart-rending of trail tragedies. The hazards of accidents and disease created a constant awareness of death and resulted in great sorrow and grief for many migrants. The numerous graves dotting the prairies were the evidence of these tragedies. Over a twenty-five year span approximately 65,000 deaths occurred along the western overland emigrant trails, an average of 2,600 per year.
   Accidental death was as almost as great a hazard as illness. One traveler wrote about witnessing a child’s accidental death, “Mr. Harvey’s young little boy Richard 8 years old went to git in the waggon and fel from the tung. The wheals run over him and mashed his head and Kil him Ston dead he never moved.”
   River crossings were probably the most dangerous thing pioneers did. Swollen rivers could upset wagons and drown people and oxen. Such accidents could cause the loss of life and most or all of valuable supplies. Animals could panic when wading through deep, swift water, causing wagons to overturn. Even if the current was slow and the water shallow, wagon wheels could be damaged by unseen rocks or become mired in the muddy bottom. Enterprising men ran ferries at large river crossings and charged a fee for carrying wagons
and teams to the other side.

Disease and Death on the Trail.

  The most common deadly diseases on the western trails were caused by poor sanitation and contaminated water. Along the trails there were few opportunities for bathing and laundering, and safe drinking water frequently was not available in sufficient quantities. Human and animal waste, garbage, and animal carcasses were often discarded in close proximity to available water supplies. If these waste materials were contaminated with typhoid, cholera, or dysentery bacteria, those diseases could be transmitted to every wagon train that came along.
   In 1852 Lydia Rudd wrote, “We have not moved today. Our sick ones not able to go. The sickness on the road is alarming – most all prove fatal.” A Mr. Page wrote, “You were OK in the morning, but dead by noon. There really wasn’t much you could do for cholera.”
   Trail deaths meant heartbreak and hardship for survivors, but little time was allowed for grieving. A grave was hurriedly prepared beside the trail and a prayer offered. Someone might volunteer to read a passage from the Bible, or "say a few words," after which the journey continued. Occasionally the dead were simply abandoned beside the trail, or the grave was dug in the trail itself to help conceal it. Death due to contagious disease meant increased haste to complete the journey before more calamity hit.
   Graves were usually shallow to save labor, and often located in a natural depression. As much soil was scooped out as possible, and earth and rocks were mounded over the remains. Sorrowing relatives sometimes transplanted prairie sod and wild flowers, and set up some type of wooden marker, probably with the thought of returning some day to provide a more permanent memorial. Few did, however, and only a small percentage took time to erect a headstone. Many migrants graves are still preserved today, thanks to local and state historical societies.

Sources
Bagley, Will. With Golden Visions Bright Before Them: Trails to the Mining West
   1849-1852. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 2012.
Bromberg, Erik. Frontier Humor: Plain and Fancy. Oregon Historical Quarterly,
September 1960
Werner, Morris W. Emigrant Graves on the Oregon and California Trails in
Kansas. (no date). http://www.kansasheritage.org/werner/emigrave.html
Larsell, O. The Doctor in Oregon. Portland: Binfords. 1947.
https://www.legendsofamerica.com/disease-death-overland-trails/2/

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Food on the Trail

10/15/2019

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The Dutch oven was essential for cooking. For baking the oven would be set on the coals with additional coals on the lid.

Sugar was molded into cones or loaves. The darkest variety, not shown, was so little refined that molasses oozed from it.

Bacon slabs were often carried in kegs of sawdust to keep it from spoiling in the heat on the trail.

Roger M McCoy

Emigration Fever in the Midwest
   The awareness of the great open west following the 1849 Gold Rush in California inspired thousands of people to seek new horizons. By 1852 few went for gold, as the gold fields had become overcrowded and the easy placer gold was mostly gone; the bigger interest was farm land, commercial enterprise, or perhaps adventure.
   In 1852 the Cleveland Plain Dealer newspaper wrote that the state was being depopulated…that the finest farmers were leaving for Oregon or California for gold or new land. They complained that many homesteads and small towns were nearly abandoned. “In Indiana excellent farms are offered for sale all over the state by persons intending to seek the Gold Land. What will be the end of these things? It is a grave question.” The Cincinnati Gazette wrote that mass departures were ruining local business. Fully equipped and stocked farms were available at sacrifice prices because of the movement west. The Saint Joseph Gazette in Missouri wrote that four hundred emigrants came into Saint Joseph in a single day, “…the road is crowded with teams, and hundreds more are daily crossing the Mississippi at various points.” Supplies in those towns became “scarce…as to almost clean out the place.”
   One writer estimated the number of emigrants in the peak year of 1852 to be twice the population of Chicago. (The population of Chicago in the 1850 census was just under 30,000.) Several contemporary estimates held that 60,000 people emigrated in 1852: 50,000 to California and 10,000 to Oregon in that year. In addition, 10,000 Mormons headed to present day Utah in that period. This amounts to nearly a 0.3% shift of the U.S. population (23,192,000) into the west during that one year alone. That percentage of today’s population would mean about one million people moving to California and Oregon in one year. After 1852 the number of migrants slowly declined.
   The daily sights as migrants traveled the trails included crowds of people, with a few pretty rough characters, many wagons, massive herds of bison, dead oxen by the roadside, and too many fresh graves. Contact with Indians was infrequent and usually peaceful, despite the impressions we have from many movies. One factor preventing some Indians from contact with wagon trains was the diseases the migrants carried with them. (More on disease in another blog) That is not to say there were no contacts with Indians, there were enough attacks to keep the migrants alert. Indians were particularly interested in horses but many other items the migrants carried were also attractive to them. It was not uncommon for migrants to encounter Indians coming to trade or beg for migrant’s clothing. One migrant wrote, “…they do not stop asking for everything that they see. They ask for money, for clothes, etc, etc. One has an old hat, one has an old wesket [waistcoat], another a chemise [shirt], another with handerchiefs [sic] around his neck. although they wear buffalo skins, they are each one covered with ear rings, necklaces, medals, bells, and different ornaments the like of which you never seen.”
   Some migrants wrote of seeing vast herds of buffalo, but often the presence of the wagon train scared the buffalo away. John Clark wrote that he saw piles of buffalo chips and places where the ground was white with their bones, but he complained that he “did not see a single one of the creatures.”
   The skull of the buffalo was smooth and white, and often used by emigrants for transmitting news and general information. Travelers wrote messages on skulls and set them by the roadside. Sometimes emigrants would just write the names of the people in their party and leave it in an easily visible place by the road.
   Not all migrants in the 1850’s were moving west to find good land and a new home. Many went intending to set up a commercial business in California or Oregon. One report tells of a brave soul who drove a flock of two thousand turkeys from Missouri to California. The source sounds as though he drove the turkeys like cattle, but that is a bit hard to imagine. I wish I had details on just how he managed that, but I assume he had them in crates or at least confined in wagons. Another man took seven wagonloads of chickens in custom-built wagons with several levels and sold them in the goldfields at magnificent profits.

Food on the trail
   A previous blog (Preparations for the Trail, 9/26/2019) told a bit about the food migrants packed into their wagons at the start of the trip. It is useful now to see how they used those supplies on the trail.
   Baking bread was a daily and necessary activity and it was baked in a cast iron Dutch oven. Therefore flour was probably the most critical item in the emigrants' wagons. Nathan Putnam took the time to write his parents in Kentucky saying that the flour they brought turned out first-rate bread, he also wished he could send the home folks a delicious “hump ribb of Fat Young Bufalo.” (Buffalo was not regular fare for the migrants, but when a herd was near, a few men rode out to kill some.) Most mentions of flour in the migrants’ diaries and letters do not say if the flour was white, brown, wheat, rye, or corn, but it certainly was not the bleached white flour that we see today. That process did not appear until the early twentieth century. Grocery store ads of the mid-nineteenth century said they sold “middlings, bran, and shorts.”
   The term “shorts” regarding flour was defined in Catherine Beecher's 1848 book, A Treatise on Domestic Economy. She described shorts as "the coarser part of wheat bran.” Flour called shorts was a cross between wheat bran and very coarse wholewheat flour. Sometimes it was known as unbolted, or unsifted, flour. But in contrast to today's wholewheat flour that has all contaminants removed, "shorts" was a dense, coarse type of flour that needed sifting to remove impurities. “Middlings” is a byproduct of the wheat milling process that is not flour. It is a good source of protein and other nutrients, and is used to produce foods like pasta and breakfast cereals.
   Migrants brought a supply of saleratus (soda) for use in baking, but if they needed to replenish their stock they used water from soda springs in central Wyoming. Joel Palmer’s guide book told that water from those springs was strong enough to raise bread equally as well as yeast. Lodisa Frizzel wrote that the saleratus looked like “frozen snow forming a crust around the edge of the water.” She said she was satisfied with water from the soda springs for raising her bread. “…it made it quite light, but gave it a bitter taste.”
A second commodity of only slightly less importance than flour was sugar. Every migrant wagon carried sugar for pies, cakes, and sometimes jam when berries were found along the trail. Sugar was available in many forms. In 1846 the Berthold and Ewing grocery store in St. Louis, Missouri advertised New Orleans and Havana sugars either as crushed sugar in boxes or a loaf sugar. Advertisements in St. Joseph, Missouri offered molasses in barrels and sugar as brown, clarified, crushed, powdered, or loaf sugar. Sugar came from Louisiana and Cuba in large cones or loaves and was broken down by the refineries into the smaller loaves sold in grocery stores, hence the name “loaf sugar.” Small loaves were often molded into cones that looked like pointed hats. Such loaf sugar was traditionally wrapped in blue paper, from which a thrifty person could extract blue indigo for dye. The sugar had to be ground and sifted to remove impurities before use.
   The sugar loaves included both white and brown sugar, with most of the white on top. The brown sugar in the 1850’s was a raw, lumpy, sticky product that still contained molasses. In hot weather the molasses would ooze from the brown loaf. Crushed sugar had much of the brown sugar removed, but it was still not pure white like today’s sugar. Recipes of the period called for "pounded loaf sugar" or "finely-pounded loaf sugar.”
   Bacon was one of the primary meats and was often served twice a day. Abigail Scott claimed, "A piece of bacon placed between two pieces of bread actually tastes better than the best of cakes and pies at home.’' Some migrants complained that the menu was limited to bacon and bread. Helen Carpenter wrote, ”But then one does like a change and about the only change we have from bread and bacon is to bacon and bread." One minor variation was bread dipped into bacon grease which was called "hot flour bread.”
   Because of its high fat content, bacon readily spoiled and was one of the items frequently thrown away. Alonzo Delano graphically described a piece of bacon ready for the trash bin. “We discovered that we had been imposed upon in St. Louis in the purchase of our bacon, for it began to exhibit more signs of life than we had bargained for. It became necessary to scrape and smoke it, in order to get rid of its tendency to walk in insect form.”
   In the middle of the nineteenth century the term bacon was a broad category of meat referred to either as sides, hams, or shoulders. It was bought or put up as "cured side bacon" in slabs and sliced as needed. It had a little resemblance to the neatly packaged slices of pork fat with thin slivers of meat that we see today.
   Migrants carried a good supply of dried corn from which they could make cornmeal or parched corn. Parched corn is dried kernels roasted in an oven…like corn nuts. Corn, as either meal or parched corn, was a favorite among migrants because it was tasty, nutritious, did not spoil, and could be fried, roasted, or cooked to a mush. One source recommended crushing corn to a coarse meal in a mortar, then mixing it with water, sugar, and cinnamon, making it “quite palatable.” A half-bushel of parched corn per person was “sufficient for thirty days,” according to a guidebook.
   Another essential commodity was coffee, which actually has some nutritional benefits besides the boost provided by caffeine. Coffee is a source of several B vitamins plus magnesium and phosphorus. If you have ever made camp-fire coffee, you know the satisfaction of the coffee aroma and flavor as you stand around the fire. Emigrants carried green coffee beans which they roasted as needed in a frying pan, then ground for boiling in a big campfire coffee pot. Any leftover coffee was saved for the noon break.
   Migrants also carried dried food of various kinds. Meat biscuits were popular in the 1850’s…dried meat compressed into a small loaf. One pound of meat biscuit contains the nutrition of five pounds of the best fresh beef, and one ounce will make a nutritious soup. Also the meat biscuit would keep without spoiling for any length of time. It was packed into tin canisters or casks. A different way of treating meat was a mixture they called “portable soup,” which was made by boiling meat with the bones into a rich broth until it was thick like jelly. The "jelly," a very concentrated, gelatinous substance, was then set in pans or cups and allowed to dry until it was hard. When a bit of dried meat cake was added to boiling water, one had instant soup.
   The arduous work of travel in the 1850’s, during which most migrants walked from twelve to twenty miles per day, required a lot of nutritious, high energy food to keep the wagon trains moving. Meat, bread, and dried fruit carried them through.

Sources
Bagley, Will. With Golden Visions Bright Before Them: Trails to the Mining West 1849-1852. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 2012.

http://www.oregonpioneers.com/FoodChoices.htm

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Preparations for the Trail

9/26/2019

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Roger M McCoy

   If you decided to move from Illinois to California, what would you take with you? Before you decide, here are a few constraints. The date is 1850 and everything you take must fit within a wagon bed four or five feet wide by ten to twelve feet long. The sides would be about two feet high, sometimes a little more. Don’t forget that on some nights you may also have to sleep in the wagon and you must carry large amounts of certain food staples like flour, sugar, bacon, and maybe a cured ham or two. You are allowed to tie a few items on the outside of the wagon. Remember that weight is a problem. The weight capacity for most wagons was about 2500 pounds. If you have more weight you will need a second wagon at additional cost.
     Despite these limitations travelers took a surprising amount of goods, occasionally including a piece of furniture like a favorite chair, dresser, or table. When emigrants joined wagon trains and followed trails westward they tried to carry their normal life with them as much as possible.
     By 1850 books were published to inform migrants about travel on the westward trails. These books offered a basic inventory of edibles and other items necessary for the trip to California or Oregon. Some guidebooks were written by a person who had successfully made the trip, but a few guidebook authors had never left home.
   A typical guidebook, such as one written by Joel Palmer, would include a list of food and equipment to take on the journey. Most migrants could replenish these items if necessary, but at a much greater cost, when they reached Fort Hall (in present day Idaho). Data on food prices in the nineteenth century varied slightly depending on the data source and the year.

Palmer’s list here was the amount needed for each adult traveling from Missouri to San Francisco over a period of three to four months.
200 lbs of flour 30 lbs of pilot bread (hardtack)
75 lbs of bacon 10 lbs of rice
15 lbs of beans 5 lbs of coffee
2 lbs of tea
2 lbs of saleratus (baking soda)
25 lbs of brown sugar
50 lbs of lard
One half bushel of corn meal
One half bushel of dried beans
A small keg of vinegar
Ten pounds of salt
Molasses
Bags of dried peaches and apples
Based on the 1850 price information, estimated food cost could be $30 per person. In addition to food costs, emigrants often had to buy a wagon at $65, oxen at $75 each, or mules at $120 each, or horses at $150 each. People living on farms usually had the necessary animals and a wagon which they modified with additional storage boxes and wooden bows for a canvas cover. (Note: To compare 1850’s prices with today’s prices, multiply by thirty. The $30 food cost per person would be $900 today.)
     Supplies could be replenished at a Hudson’s Bay Company store in Fort Hall but the prices were much higher. For example, flour at Fort Hall cost twenty dollars per hundred pounds, about 1,000 times more than in Missouri. At Fort Hall the only accepted payment was cash or cattle, no bartering with dry goods or other items. Other trading sites away from the trail sold supplies for much less, but they were not accessible to the emigrants. Palmer advised travelers to “be cautious and lay in a sufficient supply to last them through.”
   In addition to food migrants packed many other items. Most items were for use on the trail, but personal items such as a favorite clock or chair were usually included too. A few examples were: bedding, a tent, blacksmith tools, medicine, stove, chairs, gunpowder, etc.
   Some diaries give details on costs. For example William Smedley wrote: “our outfit consisted of two yoke of oxen costing $117.50, a wagon costing about $80.00, our bedding consisting of buffalo robes and blankets, about 600 pounds of provisions, consisting of sacks of flour, one barrel of hardtack, a few boxes of Boston biscuit (‘common crackers’ used to thicken stews and soups or split and eaten like bread), some bacon, coffee, sugar, dried apples, etc. cooking utensils, two revolvers and a rifle.”
   Palmer’s advice on kitchen equipment stated: “a dutch oven and skillet of cast metal are very essential. Plates, cups, etc. should be of tin ware, as queensware is heavier and liable to break. Families should each have two churns, one for sweet milk, and one for sour milk. They should have one eight-gallon keg for carrying water, one axe, one shovel, one hand saw. …A good supply of rope should be taken.”
   More random tips from Joel Palmer:
“From ten to twenty-five wagons is a sufficient number to travel in safety.”
“Much injury is done to teams in racing them, endeavoring to pass each other.”
“Persons should always avoid rambling far from camp unarmed.”
“For those who fit out but one wagon, it is not safe to start with less than four yoke of oxen, as they are liable to get lame, have sore necks, or to stray away.”
“Oxen that have been raised in Illinois or Missouri stand the trip better than those raised in Indiana or Ohio; as they have become accustomed to eating the prairie grass upon which they must wholly rely while on the road.”
“Each family should take a few extra cows, as the milk can be used the entire route, and they are often convenient to put on the wagon to relieve the oxen.”
   Joel Palmer’s guidebook was for the Oregon Trail and included a table of distances from point to point all the way to western Oregon just below The Dalles. Below is a short sample of Palmer’s table of distances along the Oregon Trail beginning at Independence, Missouri. The Rendezvous mentioned was a place twenty miles from Independence where wagons gathered and were organized into wagon trains of ten to twenty-five wagons led by an experienced person designated as wagon master.
Table of Distances (Joel Palmer)        Miles
From Independence to Rendezvous…………………………… 20
   Rendezvous to Elm Grove……………………………….……. 15
   Elm Grove to Walkarusha (meaning Wakarusa, Kansas)… 20
   Walkarusha to crossing of Kansas River…………………….. 28
   Kansas to crossing of Turkey Creek…………………………. 14
People planning to emigrate to Oregon or California would certainly buy a guidebook such a Joel Palmer’s and study it carefully before departure. Also they would refer to it daily to determine distances to their next stop.

Sources:
Palmer, Joel. Journal of Travels Over the Rocky Mountains. Cincinnati: J.A. & U.P. James
Publishers, 1847.
National Park Service Information. Catalogue of Goods on the Oregon Trail. On NPS
website: https://www.nps.gov/common/uploads/teachers/lessonplans/1870CatalogueofGoods.pdf
Bureau of Land Management Information: Catalog of goods carried on the trails found on
  Bureau of Land Management website:
  https://www.blm.gov/or/oregontrail/files/packwagon.pdf

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Women on the Trail West, Part 2

9/9/2019

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Travelers having a moment of rest in a midday break. Mules or horses (note collars on the ground) are unharnessed and allowed to rest and graze.

Roger M McCoy


Life on the the trail westward was often a special hardship for women. This was particularly true for women without the companionship of other women during the journey. Most travelers on the trail stayed together and provided mutual support. A few others chose to push ahead at a faster pace, resulting in traveling alone much of the time. The Pengras had other friends on the trail and they had all intended to travel together. But for some reason Charlotte and Bynon Pengra moved ahead on their own without the company of a wagon train for a significant portion of the journey.

              Charlotte Pengra
   When Mrs. Pengra became seriously ill with dysentery, likely from the frequent problem of contaminated water, she wrote that her husband, Bynon, tended to her needs: “He gave me a dose of opium and we traveled twenty-two miles.” Bynon gave her bandages, prepared a “Sits bath” and “packed” her with cold compresses, “made a good bed in the wagon,” and moved on.
   Later Bynon and their three-year-old daughter, Stella, became sick with dysentery and Charlotte took the task of driving the team of oxen, which means she had to walk beside the near, left, ox. The right ox was the off ox.
   “Though Bynon and Sis (Stella) is very unwell they are anxious to go on. …just before we reached the river I was taken in great pain which resulted in the dysentery. I have suffered much pain and feel a good deal reduced, but all are sick and I must keep up to the last.”
   When Bynon tried to take a turn at driving he was so weakened that he collapsed. Charlotte wrote:
   “I took my turn and drove until I was quite undone. …I am all used up. Dark times for we folks.”
   To add further problems they ran out of meat and sugar, and Charlotte’s understated comment was:
   “I am somewhat discouraged, and shall be glad when this journey is ended. …I feel lonely and almost disheartened. I feel very tired and lonely.”
   Charlotte’s further comments make it clear she felt isolated and missed the company of women, especially during her illness.
   A woman sometimes found herself the only female among men, especially if they were not traveling in a wagon train as the Pengras were during the early part of the journey. Her diary mentions that she missed the daily conversations and chore sharing with other women back home. She also missed the company of women when it came to normal bodily functions in a terrain that provided no shelter or privacy. When several women were present they would form a shield to offer privacy to each individual woman in turn. As few as two women with long skirts could provide a bit of privacy for a third. Such necessity for privacy prompted many women to forego bloomers and to shorten their skirts slightly. Full skirts soon became covered with mud, dust, and permanent grime. Imagine Charlotte Pengra’s distress tending to her normal bodily functions alone, not to mention her episodes of dysentery.
   A typical day for the Pengra family started before dawn with a breakfast of coffee, bacon, and dry bread. The bedding was secured and wagon repacked in time to get underway by seven o’clock. At noon they stopped for a cold meal of coffee, beans, bacon, or buffalo prepared that morning. Then back on the road again. Around five in the afternoon, after traveling an average of fifteen miles, they circled the wagons for the evening. The men secured the animals and made repairs while the women cooked a hot meal of tea and boiled rice with dried beef or codfish.
   Early in a trip there usually was a division of labor in which men drove the wagons, stood guard at night, and hunted for meat. Women collected wood or buffalo chips, hauled water, made fires, cooked, and tended children. Later the demands of travel weakened the distinction between gender roles. Women often shared in driving the oxen and men did some housekeeping chores.

                   Lucena Parsons
   Lucena and George Parsons were newly wed on Monday, March 18, 1850 and the next day she began a journal of her travel from northern Illinois to California. She was twenty-eight years old and had been a school teacher in Janesville, Wisconsin. George was a farmer from Henry County in northwestern Illinois.
   In an April 17th entry to her diary, Lucena noted: “Oh, how long this day has been to me not seeing anyone but strangers & no meeting place [meaning a church] within miles that we could attend.”
   She was feeling a sense of isolation after a month of travel and they were still in a populated part of the country.

   “June 14 I had the pleasure of giving the chief of the Otoe tribe a loaf of bread. He is a very fine looking man. He is called by his people the Buffalo chief.“
   The Otoe tribe occupied a large area that included conjoining corners of Iowa, Missouri, Nebraska, and Kansas.
   “June 15 The women are washing and baking to start Monday. We traveled only 3 miles & encampt on Three Mile Creek.
   “June 16 To day it is very hot & sultry & there are some complaining of the headache. I have the sick head ache today. This afternoon we had preaching in front of the camp. There was an Indian chief visited my tent today gave hime some dinner & he gave me a knife.
   “June 20 Travelled over a beautiful country. Passt 6 graves all made within 5 days & all died of cholera. This afternoon passt 2 more graves, they seem to be from the same company as the 6 who died.
   “June 21 We have been obliged to stop this morning to bury 2 of our company, the first to die with cholera. We have made 15 miles today & have been in sight of the Platte River. We encampt to night on the banks of Salt Creek. Our company came up with another child dead. They buried it at twilight on the bank of the stream. The wether very hot.
   “June 22 This morning we buried 3 more children who had the cholera, they all belonged to one family. …it commenced raining hard & we had to wate some time. It was noon before we started. The worst time we have had since we left Missouri. Severall sick. The wether damp & everything wet with very little fire in camp.
   “June 23 These are hard times for us but harder for the sick. Nothing for their relief at all it seems. Still it rains. Very Hot. The roads are very muddy as it rains every day. …We made 8 miles to day through rain & mud. We had a dredfull time. It rained hard & some went to bed without their supper.
   June 26 The weather was fine and cool this morning. The sick in our company are getting better. Roads very crooked. Campt on the prairie without wood or water.”

   Much of Lucena Parson’s diary tells of more illness and death, and one can imagine the personal anguish of burying a family member in the wilderness and going on without them. She also tallies every death and burial in their company and every grave they pass. It was a bad year for cholera.
   Cholera is an intestinal infection transmitted by water or food that has been contaminated with the fecal matter of a person carrying the cholera bacteria. Considering the large number of wagon trains in the 1850’s, cholera could affect many people using one contaminated water source. A healthy adult might survive cholera but children and elderly are most vulnerable.
   They are still following the Platte River in central Nebraska. Now we skip July and go to August 1:   “Travelled 15 miles. This brought us to Fort Laramie [at the confluence of the Platte and Laramie Rivers] which we were glad to see. …We passt a camp of Indians to day that have the small pox. They have it very bad & many of them have died.
   “Aug 7 …It seems a pity to see the amount of property that is left on this road, waggons & cattle & various things. Wether fine. We have good clear spring water & plenty of wood & grass to night.”

   Jump forward a few weeks to an extended layover the Parsons made in Salt Lake City. While there Charlotte Parsons had time to get familiar with the environs and the people. Her comments follow:
   “ Sept 21 We reached the mouth of the canion about 4 o’clock & came to the city of Salt Lake in the evening, it being 5 miles from the canion mouth. Pleasant weather. Very tired.”
   Charlotte’s diary has an unexplained gap and resumes four months later. In late January she filled in some details about their stay in Salt Lake City:
   “January 29 1851 By this time we began to learn something of the Mormons & thought there was as much comfort on the road for us as living among a set of pirats. We gave up the idea of going on & decided to tough it out till spring. We hired a room as good as a common hog pen & paid 5 dollars per month.
   “…I am bold to say that an honest person can not live six months with them. I know of many instances where they have cheated men out of a whole winters work merely because they did not belong to the church.
   “Who could belong to such an unprincipled [sic] sect as these Mormons? I know many men who have mothers and daughters for so called spiritual wives let the number be what it may. These demons marry some girls at 10 years of age. A man will take a mother & her daughters & marry them all at one time. What will become of these men the Lord only knows. …All the preaching & teaching is obedience to rulers & women’s right are trampled under foot. They have as much liberty as common slaves in the South.”
   In February the Parsons resumed their trip and following the Humboldt River eventually came to the Sierra Nevada Mountains. At that point the diary ends with no explanation nor any hint if they ultimately reached their destination safely.

Sources
   Holmes, Kenneth L. ed. Covered Wagon Women: Diaries and Letters from the Western Trails, 1850. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. 1983. (Holmes was the main source for this blog.)
   Schlissel, Lillian. Women’s Diaries of the Westward Journey. New York: Schocken Books. 1982.

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Women on the Trail West

8/17/2019

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Women's evening chores on the trail were cooking, laundry, gathering wood or buffalo chips, and tending children.

Few traveling women would have the convenience of a wheelbarrow and they would carry buffalo chips by the armload to burn for their cooking fires.

Roger McCoy

   Women’s diaries provide some insights to life on the trail for the nineteenth century migrant. They tend to tell interesting details about what they packed, and how they felt. Here are a few good examples of women’s experiences on the trail beginning with Mrs. Frink.
   In 1850 Margaret Frink traveled with her husband by wagon train from Independence, Missouri to California. She kept an interesting diary telling about the life they left behind, how they prepared for the journey, and describing life on the trail. Based on her descriptions, the Frink family appeared to be somewhat more affluent and literate than some migrants.
Among the equipment they carried was a newly purchased sheet-iron cooking stove and two India rubber bottles holding five gallons each for carrying water. Unfortunately only a few of her diary entries are dated, but we know they left home in late March, 1850.

Excerpts of Mrs. Frink’s Diary
   “Mr. Frink was a successful merchant. The exciting news coming back from California of the delightful climate and abundance of gold, caused us to resolve, in December, 1849, that we would commence preparing to cross the plains by the spring of 1850.
   “The first thing on Mr. Frink’s part was to have a suitable wagon made for the trip while I hired a seamstress to make up a full supply of clothing. In addition to the finished articles of dress, I packed a truck full of dress goods not yet made up.
   “We knew nothing of frontier life nor how to prepare for it. We were met with all the discouragements that our neighbors could invent to induce us not to attempt such a perilous journey.
   “The wagon was packed and we were all ready to start on the twenty-seventh day of March [1850]. The wagon was designed expressly for the trip. It was so arranged that when closed up, it could be used as our bedroom. The bottom was divided into little compartments. After putting in all our provisions, and baggage, a floor was laid over all on which our mattress was laid. We had an India rubber mattress that could be filled with either air or water. We also had a feather bed and feather pillows.
   “The wagon was lined with green cloth to make it pleasant and soft for the eye, with three or four large pockets on each side to hold many little conveniences—looking-glasses, combs, brushes and so on.
   “Our outfit for provisions was plenty of hams and bacon, covered from the dust. Also apples, peaches, and preserved fruit, rice, coffee, tea, beans, flour cornmeal, crackers, butter, and lard.
   “We were all ready to start the next morning, the 27th of March. On the evening before the whole family, including my mother, gathered together looking as if we were all going to our graves instead of starting a trip of pleasure. There we sat in such gloom that I arose and announced that we would not start in the morning or until everybody could feel more cheerful. I think no one slept very much that night.”

[Mrs. Frink relates their passage through Illinois, and Missouri and eventually reaching Independence, the starting point for trails west. Finally facing the immensity of the land ahead of them Margaret Frink wrote…]

   “I think none of us realized until now the perils of this undertaking. During the past week not much has been discussed but the Indians. Printed circulars are distributed informing the emigrants of many Indian depredations. Now I begin to think that three men, one woman, and one eleven year old boy only armed with one gun and one Colt’s revolver are but a small force to defend themselves against many hostile tribes along a journey of two thousand miles. During the day I began to feel, and so expressed myself to the rest, that for greater safety it would be well if we could fall in with some strong company and unite with them for mutual protection.”
[It’s surprising they were so uninformed in the beginning. She reveals that they originally thought they would be alone on the trip…not with a wagon train.]
   “Some trains would try to pass others to be sure they got grass before others did. We felt it was better to maintain a slower steady pace to better conserve the strength of their horses. .. I was half frantic over the idea that every blade of grass for miles on each side of the road would be eaten off by the hundreds and thousands of horses, mules and oxen ahead of us. And worse than all, there would only be a few barrels of gold left for us when we got to California.”
[They were following the Platte River]
   “This morning we started again at half past six on the well traveled road which had been used for many years hauling supplies to the frontier forts like Fort Kearney and Fort Laramie and Fort Hall. The road was in good condition, all the bad streams being bridged.”
[Unfortunately, in this area Margaret Frink lost her prized stove.]
   “It was in this camp that we had to leave our cooking stove which we found so useful ever since crossing the Missouri. It being light, we always carried it lashed on the hind end of the wagon. Some careless person in a hurry drove his team up to close behind, and the pole of his wagon ran into the stove, smashing and ruining it. After that we had to cook in the open air. We would excavate a narrow trench a foot deep and three feet long in which we built the fire. …we found this a very good substitute for a stove.
   “The country was so level that we could see the long trains of white-topped wagons for many miles. It appeared to me that none of the population had been left behind. …I had never seen so many human beings in all my life before.
   “Some buffalo were sighted and a number of men took off on horseback to chase them. They gave our horses a fatiguing run but not without a reprimand from Mr Frink when they returned. He informed them very distinctly that he had not started for California to hunt buffalo.
I would not, for a good deal, have missed the sight of that great chase over that grand plain. Someone gave us some buffalo steak so that we were not without a share of the prize.”

[By June they had left the plains and passed through hilly land of western Nebraska into eastern Wyoming, still following the Platte River.]
   “The heavy sand and hard climbing begin to tell on the strength of our horses. Feed is often scarce and they suffer the consequence.
   The mail carriers passed us on a trot this morning heading for the Rocky Mountains [South Pass], where a post office for the accommodation of the emigrants was established.”
[At Ft Laramie, Wyoming].
   “This is the last place of human habitation we shall see until we reach Ft. Hall five hundred and thirty miles further on.
   “We started at twelve o’clock today, traveled fifteen miles and went into camp at five o’clock. The road was very rough.
   “Many wagons are being abandoned. Every day we pass good wagons that have been left for anyone that might want them.”
[South Pass, Wyoming]
   “ …the American flag was flying to mark the private post office established for the emigrants wishing to send letters to friends at home.”
On each letter we paid express charges of $1.00. Messengers took the letters to St. Joseph and in due time they reached their destination 1,438 miles distant.”

[Fast forward to the Sierra Nevada Mountains. By now they were on the California Trail]
   “Friday, August 30. It is five months this morning since we left home. We are now about to climb the main ridge of the snowy mountains, called the Sierra Nevada. The snow is ten to fifteen feet deep. It was a hard struggle for the weak horses. Though the wagons were nearly empty we had to stop often to let the animals rest.
   “The snow on the road had melted to the bare rocks, but stood in snow walls 10 to 15 feet high on both sides.”
[Arrival in Sacramento and end of the diary]
“…We never had occasion to regret the prolonged hardships of the toilsome journey that had its happy ending in this fair land of California.”
Margaret Frink’s writing was unusual for its style and vocabulary. She certainly had some education and the Frink family were financially able to order a prefab house before they left Indiana. The house shipment was waiting when they arrived in Sacramento and within a week it was ready to to move in. At that time Sears and Roebuck catalogs offered complete houses of several designs and sizes from small bungalows to large two-story frame homes. They came with pre-cut lumber, all necessary nails, and complete instructions.
   Another migrant woman, Sarah Davis, also kept a diary. Her diary also makes a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the migrant experience. A few of Sarah’s entries are shown here.

           Excerpts from the Sarah Davis Diary
“Sunday July 28, near South Pass Wyoming
we went on to little sandy [river] distance twelve miles and their stoped for the day and to grase our catle we had to drive them five miles to grase and whilst the men ware gone with the catle this large train [wagon train] come in one mile of us and camped. their a rose a quarel with them and what quareling I never heard the like they werted whiping a man for whiping his wife he had whiped her every day since he joined the company and now they thought it was time to whip him and they caught him and striped him and took the ox gad [goad] to him and whiped him tremendous she screamed and hollerd for him till one might have hare him for three miles.
June 6 we traveled on for the day and nothing hapened of any importance”
[Many of Sarah’s entries often mention the number of graves they passed on some days.]
“June 13 I think we travel vary well we travel about ten miles farther we past thirteen graves
June 17 their was three large white wolfs attacked a cow and calf…whilst they were eating their kill [the calf] mr crous shot one…but he rose and run of I saw thirteen graves today”
   [From this brief exposure to travelers’ diaries we get the merest sense of the life on the trail. Most migrants made a successful trip to their destination, but a future blog will describe more about the hardship of illness and death as told by women on the trail.]

Sources
Davis, Robert E. Following Sarah: Sarah Davis’s 1849-1850 Journey from Michigan to California. Twentynine Palms, CA: Quiet Creek Publishers. 2013.

Holmes, Kenneth L. ed. Covered Wagon Women: Diaries and Letters from the Western Trails, 1850. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. 1983.

Schlissel, Lillian, Women’s Diaries of the Westward Journey, New York: Schocken Books. 1982.

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The Santa Fe Trail

7/30/2019

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Two routes from Independence to Santa Fe. (National Park Service)

Conestoga freight wagon.

Roger M McCoy
When the Spanish ruled Mexico, which included provinces north of the Rio Grande River, they declared that trade with New Mexican natives and colonists was illegal. During this time traders from the United States gradually traveled to trading posts farther west along the Rio Grande River, and eventually reached the Spanish territory of New Mexico. Most such traders were stopped by Spanish officials and sent home. Hence during this time there was almost no trade by Mexico City or the United States with the territory of New Mexico.
  The Mexicans had lived under Spain’s dominance since 1607, more than two centuries. In their second attempt at independence the Mexicans finally won their freedom and became independent in 1821. This opened the door for anyone to trade with Mexico. Americans entered the game that same year and developed the Santa Fe Trail as a route for traders traveling from Independence, Missouri to Santa Fe, New Mexico.
  The city of Santa Fe has a long and interesting history. Native Americans are known to have had a settlement in what today is downtown Santa Fe since soon after 900 A.D., making the city the oldest continuously occupied settlement in the United States.
  Following the Mexican-American war in 1848 the United States acquired much of the southwest by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, and Santa Fe became an American city in the territory of New Mexico. This further opened the region to economic development and settlement by Americans. With this, Santa Fe became an important trade center both with the rest of Mexico and with the United States.
Seeing a new opportunity, Missouri trader William Becknell wasted no time loading up several wagons and headed for Santa Fe in September 1821. With a small group of men and a cargo of goods he arrived in Santa Fe on November 16. They were welcomed with open arms by Mexican citizens and government officials and encouraged to return soon with more goods to trade. Becknell’s initial path to Santa Fe became known as the Mountain route of the Santa Fe Trail. This route also became important for stagecoach travel and mail delivery and marked the beginning of the Santa Fe Trail as we know it today.
  Returning to Missouri Becknell took a shorter route along the Cimarron River which soon became the most traveled track to Santa Fe. The map above shows the Cimarron Cutoff leaving the Arkansas River at the Cimarron River near present day Dodge City, Kansas. From there it continued southwest ending in Santa Fe. The Cimarron route was about 100 miles shorter than the route through Raton Pass and less difficult. The supply of water was less reliable however and raids by the Comanches or Apaches were more common.
  The route of the trail led southwest from Independence to the Arkansas River near the present site of Great Bend, Kansas (shown on the map as Fort Zarah). From there it followed the Arkansas River westward to Bent’s Fort (see Note 1) near present day La Junta, Colorado, then southward along the Purgatoire River (see Note 2) to Santa Fe. It went southward into Santa Fe across the narrow and difficult Raton Mountain Pass at 7,834 feet elevation.
  Both the Mountain and Cimarron routes crossed the northwestern territory of the Comanche Tribe. In the beginning the Comanches and Apaches would not tolerate passage of wagon trains on their land and frequently attacked them. When these tribes later became an important market for American traders they then required compensation for passage through their land.
  Business was booming and traffic traveling to Santa Fe along the Arkansas River became so heavy that bison herds often had difficulty following their usual seasonal migration to grazing lands.

Wagons and Draft Animals on the Santa Fe Trail.
  Because the primary use of the Santa Fe Trail was hauling freight, the large Conestoga wagon was usually preferred. Why was a freight wagon called Conestoga? The name first appears regarding the Susquehannock tribe in Pennsylvania, who were called Conestogas by European settlers. The original design of the wagon, which was made in the Conestoga River region of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania in the late eighteenth century, was given that name.
  The choice of draft animal in the first few years of travel to Santa Fe was horses. Later mules or oxen, which are hardier than the horse, were preferred by wagon train outfitters. Outfitters often debated the advantages of oxen compared to mules but it became a matter of individual choice. Some trains were mixed with some wagons pulled by oxen and others by mules. The illustration above shows only one yoke of oxen, but a loaded Conestoga would usually require six yoke of oxen or four teams of horses.
  The comparison of animals centered around cost and hardiness. Mules were more expensive than oxen, but were faster and made better time. Mules also better maintained their strength in the heat, provided grass was in ample supply. But for very long distances, requiring months of travel over rough or sandy roads, oxen usually endured better than mules.
  Cost was the main factor for most migrants and traders. Six mules cost six hundred dollars. Eight oxen cost only two hundred dollars. Also oxen were less desired by Indians, which made raids less likely. The cost of a Conestoga freight wagon ranged from $130 to $165 depending on size and load capacity. A typical Conestoga wagon could hold a load of 3,500 to 5,000 pounds. Traders began buying bigger wagons over time and by the late 1850’s could they carry as much as 8,000 pounds.
  The Santa Fe Railroad brought an end to wagon trains on the Santa Fe Trail. In 1880 the rail construction finally reached Albuquerque with a branch to Santa Fe. On February 9, a Santa Fe Railway train arrived with considerable fanfare at the Santa Fe railroad depot, effectively ending the Santa Fe Trail as a wagon trail. As other railroads expanded westward, the importance of wagon trails collapsed. Slow-moving wagons drawn by mules or oxen simply could not compete with trains for hauling freight or passengers westward. Today the Amtrak Southwest Chief train follows the original 1880 railway/Santa Fe Trail route, using a tunnel through Raton Pass.

Note 1: The trading post on the Arkansas River called Bent’s Fort was established in 1833 by Charles and William Bent. It was an important fur trading stop for mountain men, settlers, teamsters and local tribes, but it soon became a destination for Santa Fe-bound wagon trains to rest and resupply.

Note 2: Because of local pronunciation the name Purgatoire River name has appeared on some USGS maps as the “Picketwire” River.

Sources
Cather, Willa. Death Comes to the Archbishop. Vintage Books. 1990 (first published 1927).
Duffus, Robert. The Santa Fe Trail. Longmans, Green And Co. 1930.
Vestal, Stanley. The Old Santa Fe Trail. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 1996.
Wikipedia. wikipedia.org/wiki/Santa_Fe_Trail. 1999.

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The Hastings Cutoff

7/9/2019

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The Hastings Cutoff, shown in red, passed Pilot Peak (10,720 ft.) at the west edge of the Great Salt Lake Desert. Pilot Peak is visible from many miles and was used as a guiding landmark. Kmusser/Wikimedia Commons

Roger M McCoy

  The story of this trail concerns a certain Lansford Hastings who saw California as a land of opportunity. This enterprising man visualized the area becoming the ‘Republic of California’ with himself as president. Hastings hoped to cement this plan by inducing large numbers of people to emigrate there. To this end he wrote a book called The Emigrants Guide to Oregon and California (1845). Hastings described California and Oregon in glowing terms and gave advice on equipment, supplies, and routes to overland travelers. The primary route to California that he outlined separated from the Oregon Trail west of Fort Hall in present day Idaho and followed the Humboldt River as described here in an earlier blog, The California Trail Part 1 (5/30/2019). His book gave many details about the route and persuaded many Americans to migrate west. In his guidebook Hastings also gave brief mention of a cutoff, or alternate route, that left the Oregon trail in the present day state of western Wyoming near Fort Bridger, crossed Utah with its formidable salt barrens, known today as the Bonneville Salt Flats, and eventually rejoined the California trail west of Wells, in northeastern Nevada. [The table-like surface of the Salt Flats is part of the bed of prehistoric Lake Bonneville which covered nearly 20,000 square miles mostly in present day western Utah.]
   Hastings’ made it sound extremely easy, however he mentioned the cutoff before actually traveling the route himself, and he was probably unaware of the difficulties in crossing the roadless Wasatch Mountains and the barren, waterless salt flats of western Utah. In 1845 Hastings led a party of wagons over the cutoff and arrived in California safely after a difficult trip. The following year the unfortunate Donner party chose to travel the same route. Their misfortune came because of serious delays crossing the Wasatch Mountains and the Great Salt Lake Desert, which includes the Bonneville Salt Flats.
   One later migrant, Dexter Tiffany, had a fairly positive first impression of the Great Salt Lake Desert as, “entirely destitute of all vegetation so much as your parlor carpet and perfectly white.” He also mentioned that the surface of the salt plain is hard and makes a fine road. Unfortunately their loaded wagons soon broke through the salt crust and became mired in thick mud.
   Dexter Tiffany later wrote a much worse view of the Salt Flats. “The surface was about the consistency of wet mortar into which the feet of our horses and mules sank in some places just over the hoof. The wagon wheels sank some six or eight inches.” Tiffany continued with his description of crossing the Salt Flats, “Exhausted oxen littered the trail’s next twenty miles.” At the end of the Salt Flats they found Pilot Spring with “fine springs and fine grass” at the eastern base of Pilot Mountain. Migrants usually rested a day or two at Pilot Springs before continuing west. Tiffany aptly explained the need for rest. He wrote, “I felt sick and weak and slept and dozed all day and thought I should have the fever and could not go on but I did.”
   After a few more days of travel beyond Pilot Springs, the Hastings Cutoff makes another time consuming detour around the Ruby Mountains in northeastern Nevada. The Hastings route crosses the Ruby Mountains at Overland Pass near the south end of the mountains. This pass is easy to cross, but a little reconnaissance by Hastings would have shown that the migrants could have traveled a shorter distance by heading directly toward the springs at the head of the Humboldt River near present day Wells, Nevada without going around the south end of the Ruby Mountains. The Hastings route meandered 150 miles to travel westward only fifty or sixty miles from Pilot Springs to the head of the Humboldt River.
   The detour around the south end of the Ruby Mountains added five or six days, but was not the only problem causing delays on the Hastings cutoff. The greater delays were also caused during the crossing of the Wasatch Mountains, which required road-building by the migrants, and the Salt Flats, which slowed their pace considerably. These delays were largely responsible for the Donner group reaching the Sierra Nevada mountains about a month behind schedule. There they were stopped in October by an early onset of winter for which they were unprepared. After becoming snowbound, many died of starvation and some of the emigrants resorted to eating their animals and, tragically, the deceased members of the group.
   Few migrants followed the Hastings Cutoff after the Donner disaster because the news was spread rapidly by other travelers and writers. One example was written by migrant O.J. Hall: “Those who took the Hastings Cutoff went 60 miles without water, many died—some that reached water were past speaking, with black tongue, blood ran from their mouth. When they revived, they took water back to others. It was a horrible scene. Wagons and property lay in piles along the trail.” Captain John McNulty wrote, “They suffered much--reduced to the necessity of drinking their mules’ urine.” McNulty further described the Hastings Trail, “…a route in my humble opinion which will consign many emigrants and their animals to the wolves, and the rest to much suffering.”
   Virginia Reed, a surviving member of the Donner Party, wrote this succinct instruction in an 1847 letter home. “Don’t let this letter dishearten anybody and never take no cutoffs and hurry along as fast as you can.”
   Alas, Hastings’ hope for a Republic of California faded when Mexico ceded California to the United States in 1848 following the Mexican-American war.
   These pioneer diaries often read like the great heroic sagas or epic poems in which the hero goes through repeated life-threatening trials interspersed by brief periods of relief. Indeed the men and women making these trips had no idea of the hardships awaiting them and their lives were unwittingly heroic.

Sources
Bagley, Will. With Golden Visions Bright Before Them: Trails to the Mining West 1849-1852.
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 2012.

Davis, Robert E. Following Sarah: Sarah Davis's 1849-1850 Journey from Michigan to
     California. Quiet Spring Publishers, 2013.

Morgan, Dale L., The Humboldt: Highroad of the West. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press. 1943.

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The California Trail, Part 2

6/20/2019

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The two dark green lines terminating at Sutter’s Fort show the Carson Pass route and the Donner Pass route.

Ascent or descent of the Sierras sometimes meant unloading and disassembling the wagons and hoisting them over barriers. People and livestock would go around on foot.

Roger McCoy

Despite the migrants’ great hopes for trouble-free travel, the California Trail only got harder. When one hardship eased another equally difficult one replaced it. A case in point is the struggle wagon trains endured crossing their greatest barrier, the Sierra Nevadas (Spanish translation: snowy mountain range). The two most frequently used routes over the mountains were over Carson Pass and Donner Pass. These two passes are now crossed by State Highway 88 and Interstate 80.
   After crossing the Forty-mile Desert the weary people and their worn-out animals faced this last obstacle. One early migrant wrote, “We thought we had seen the elephant, but we were mistaken, but at the mountain we saw him good.” The phrase “See the elephant” was a common expression of the early nineteenth century reflecting the rarity and strangeness of an animal that was first imported to America in 1785. It eventually came to mean anything exotic and strange—a “now I’ve seen everything” statement.
Carson Pass
As wagon trains followed the Carson River and the trail began to climb, Bernard Reid wrote, “…the first mile or two is pretty and shady with a good road—but presto, what a change! Steep pitches [slopes] up and down—appalling rocks,—stumps and logs,—sudden bends— all make the worst piece of road I ever saw or dreamed of.
   With immense effort they somehow made it through the rocky debris in the Carson Canyon. The twisted path up the canyon required three river crossings, and according to George Lawson it was, “the most desperate road I ever saw, even for pack horses. For wagons you would think it impossible.” Amasa Morgan found the canyon choked with “rocks so large we had difficulty in driving our wagons through.” Lell Woodley wrote that the six miles of Carson Canyon was “the roughest piece of road that we found between Missouri and California. There were great boulders from the size of a barrel to that of a stagecoach promiscuously piled in the bed. It took us two days to make the six miles.”
   The final approach to Carson Pass was as hard as “climbing a wall.” One wagon driver said,”It was not only right up and down, but leant a little over us.” Near the top he said, “We were half the day at least getting our wagons the last two miles over the mountains using eight yoke of oxen to do it.” Travelers who followed noted seeing abandoned goods of all kinds as wagon loads had to be lightened or wagons were upset on the treacherous trail. One migrant said he saw “wrecked wagons, trunks, axes, gold washers, two sawmill blades, and other articles scattered in all directions.” Once over the brow of the pass Charles Boyle described the beauty of what he saw. “Before us far down between the mountains lay a beautiful green valley surrounded by high mountains of bare solid granite of which the lower part was covered by a growth of pine trees while the summits were lightly capped with snow.” After crossing another final pass Peter Decker wrote, “Stopping we looked around at a view too magnificently grand and wildly romantic for me to attempt to describe.”
   James Wilkins wrote that the scenery was sublime and noted, “Here on the summit of the backbone of America we were favored with a storm of hail, rain and sleet. The wind blew icy cold.” At this time one of the woman in the company “was taken with pangs of labor and we had to descend as quickly as possible over a most rock road to the first grass, which we did not reach until after dark.” Wilkins wondered that the woman was able to endure the jolts and bounces of the trip. He pitched his tent to shelter her and “before morning she was delivered of a little girl.” After a two-day rest the company continued and Wilkins said the woman was “doing as well as could be expected under the circumstances.”
   The descent on the western slope of the Sierras was also difficult, but on reaching their final destination in the Sacramento gold fields Gordon Cone wrote, “We are now in the gold region and beyond all danger of snows and the mountains. The climate is warm and the atmosphere is balmy.” But they did not arrive in one piece. An inventory of his wagon train showed that two carts and four wagons were all that remained of the ten wagons that left Ohio.” Boyle reported that Tommy Davis had already found two specks of gold.
Donner Pass
  Meanwhile other emigrants followed the Truckee River toward a crossing of the Sierra Nevada Mountains passing through the site of present day Reno, Nevada. After 1847 the name Truckee Pass became Donner Pass in recognition of the disaster met by the Donner-Reid Party while crossing the Sierras. Many later wagon parties avoided Donner Pass because of a stigma attached to the name. Those who used Donner Pass followed the Truckee River almost to its source at Lake Tahoe, which is just southeast of the pass.
   They began their ascent in a beautiful valley “over a very good road for a mountain road.” Augustus Burbank described the scene as “…clothed with a heavy forest and highly elevated. Some grass and small streams.” Then the pull became more difficult as the trail steepened. These unfortunate emigrants were stranded by an October blizzard without shelter or adequate supplies and food. There they were stranded until the spring of 1847. During their desperate entrapment some members of the group resorted to cannibalism to survive. Of the eighty-three members of the Donner Party who were trapped in the mountains, only forty-five survived the harsh winter to reach California.
   Many later travelers stopped to see the remains of the Donner Party near Donner Lake as they neared the pass. Thomas Van Dorn wrote, “A surprising number of gold seekers described visiting what they called “cannibal camp,” the ruins of the shanties on Alder Creek and Donner Lake. Some told grotesque tales, such as Edward McIlhaney when he “stopped at the cabins at the foot of the Sierra Nevada mountains where the Donovan [Donner] party perished in ’46. There were several cabins. The roofs had rotted and fallen in and the [tree] stumps were twenty feet high where they stood on the snow to get wood to make a fire to keep them from freezing. The ground was covered with human bones still there.” James Abell noted that nothing remained “but the square enclosures with patches of newspaper hanging to the logs on the inside to keep out the cold.” He found scattered shreds of clothing and “bones of all descriptions, human and other.” Elisha Perkins added that, “…the imagination could find full scope in the indications of human suffering scattered around. I gathered some relics as curiosities and left, thankful that late as my journey had been prolonged, I was still safe from any such catastrophe as befell these unfortunates.” A full description of the Donner tragedy is beyond the scope of this article. Today the Donner Memorial State Park near Truckee, California preserves the site and tells their story in the Emigrant Trail Museum.
Edward Jackson said the final ascent to the pass was “over the worst road we have seen yet. The road was filled with large rocks and looked impossible for wagons to pass over. John McCarty wrote that the ascent was “extremely difficult—took twelve or fifteen yoke of cattle to draw up the lightest loaded wagon.” Migrants felt great relief upon finally reaching the summit and felt they had achieved a major milestone. Many imagined their troubles would now end with an easy descent, but nothing was easy in the Sierras. Instead they saw more mountains, gorges, and snow fields in their path. Isaac Wistar lamented, “Beyond, instead of the expected Sacramento Valley, nothing broke the magnificent expanse of the mountain chains.” D.B. Wood described the western descent of the Sierras as “rough beyond description.” John Markel complained that it “was the damn-dest, roughest, and rockyest road ever saw. We had to take out the mules and let our wagons down with ropes and it was off of one rock onto another all day.” Joseph Wood described trees “worn half down where wagons had been let down by a rope wound around them. This point was a descent over a ledge of rock some 30 feet—not quite perpendicular—our cattle taken around by a narrow passage and our wagons let down by ropes. At the foot of almost every steep we find the remains of broken wagons. A chain to one wagon broke and it rolled over three times, smashing everything to pieces.” No grass grew on those mountain trails and they had to cut down trees for the mules to eat the leaves and bark The mules soon associated the chopping sound with food and began braying with hunger. Cattle became very weak and were reduced to eating oak leaves for the last few days.
   At last the trains reached the rolling hills of the Sacramento Valley, their long sought destination. Once there one migrant described “the process of gold working a going on.” along the stream. Many migrants immediately “got out our pans and went at it and washed out half a dollars worth in no time.” Gold in 1850 was worth $20.67 per ounce. About 0.024 ounces would be worth half a dollar.
   In general, migrants seeking gold fared rather poorly. Some found only a little gold, many found more but failed to get rich, very few discovered a lode deposit and became rich. Most migrants drawn by golden riches soon reverted to the trade they practiced back home—mostly farming. Agriculture became the real motherlode of California. Today it is nearly impossible for us to imagine the strength and courage needed for the strenuous and exhausting trek made by those pioneers.

Sources
Bagley, Will. With Golden Visions Bright Before Them: Trails to the Mining West 1849-1852. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. 2012

Davis, Robert E. Following Sarah: Sarah Davis’s 1849-1850 Journey from Michigan to California. Twentynine Palms, CA: Quiet Creek Corp. 2013.

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The California Trail, Part 1

5/30/2019

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The California Trail separated from the Oregon Trail and headed southwest to the Humboldt River in present day northeastern Nevada.

Wagon trains in 1855 traveling through a dry landscape with little grass for livestock.

Roger M McCoy

The California Trail,Part 1
   The California Trail turned away from the Oregon Trail about sixty miles east of present day Idaho Falls, and headed southwest toward the beginning of the Humboldt River near present day Wells, Nevada. The source of the Humboldt River main stem in northeastern Nevada is a spring called Humboldt Wells. From that point the wagon trains headed westward following the Humboldt River to its end in the Humboldt Sink. This article covers the California Trail emigrants along the Humboldt River.
About 300 diaries written by migrants on the California Trail provide a wealth of insight into travel through the harsh and unfamiliar terrain of the Great Basin Desert, mostly within the present State of Nevada. Weeks of travel along the Humboldt River through scorching heat and stifling dust taxed the endurance of men, women, horses, mules, and oxen. The saving factor that made such a trip possible was the Humboldt River itself. The river provided water for most of the route across the Basin, and supported grass of variable quality along its shores. The diaries of those nineteenth century migrants give accounts of distances, quality of water and grass, and the general conditions and hardships the travelers faced. The following is a sampling written during crossings from 1849 to 1855 through the Great Basin.
   One migrant, James Wilkins, expressed his strong opinion of the Great Basin, “…the most detestable countries God ever made, to say nothing of its sterility and barrenness.” The wagon trace followed the river for almost 300 miles, but for most migrants the trip seemed unending, partly because they had no certain way of knowing how much farther they had to go.
   Often one wagon train was followed closely by others, sometimes creating a congestion of people. The route became so crowded at times that A.H. Houston wrote, “The immense crowd on the road made the trip more difficult and disagreeable. If you tried to pass other trains, you broke down your team in doing so. If you laid by to recruit, hundreds of teams were passing daily, making it more difficult to procure grass.” (The word “recruit” was commonly used in the nineteenth century meaning replenish or refresh.) Finding adequate grass for livestock was a daily problem. Some stretches of the trail offered good grass, but in many places grass was inadequate. Joseph Wood, lamenting the poor grass as his cattle began wasting away, wrote, “The grass does not contain sufficient nourishment for teams that have so much work to perform and hardships to endure.”

As they went downstream conditions grew worse daily. Charles Tinker: “Feed grew scarcer & water poorer & the weather hotter.” As the river water became more alkaline the travelers began to hate the river. Elisha Perkins wrote, “I must agree with the majority of the Emigrants in nicknaming it ‘Humbug River.” He added that the “river had become only a good sized creek. We could hardly get enough for our mules to eat and water barely drinkable from saline and sulfurous impregnation and having a milky color.”
    Another constant problem was the six to ten inches of dust that lay on the trail raising choking clouds into the air. William Z. Walker wrote, “The dust along the stream in intolerable, filling our eyes so that we could hardly see our animals. We were visited by such a hurricane of dust during the forenoon that we were obliged to turn out of the road and stop till the wind subsided.” John Middleton added, “Our poor faded and exhausted cattle! It harrowed my soul that I could render them no relief—that we must rush on to save our lives at the expense of others. Poor obedient creatures, what hellish cruelties I have seen inflicted on them by hard-hearted men.” Unfortunately the travelers who arrived later in the summer found conditions worse because the grass had not sufficiently recovered from the passage of earlier wagon trains. Wagon wheels passing through the hot dust dried to the point that their wooden wheels rattled “like a bag of bones” as they turned. Not surprisingly many migrants had buyers remorse as conditions worsened. Joseph Wood wrote, “I would give One Dollar for a newspaper, Five for a letter and Fifty to see our friends. We shall be glad to leave the valley of the Humboldt.”
   The marshy conditions at the terminus of the Humboldt River provided good stands of grass and the travelers stopped long enough to cut ample grass to carry for the perilous trek across the Carson Sink. Through August the grassy meadow was crowded with emigrants. Thomas van Dorn wrote, “Without this grass here, this route would be abandoned, but it forms a natural recruiting point in this vast desert region,”
   Near today’s Lovelock, Nevada, the nearly depleted Humboldt River spread out into a vast playa and intermittent wetland called Humboldt Sink, now shown on maps as Humboldt Lake. This harsh dry lake bed, or playa, merged with another massive playa, the Carson Sink, formed at the terminus of the Carson River flowing from the Sierra Mountains. The two great playas were separated by a low, almost imperceptible, divide called the Humboldt Bar. The Carson Sink became known to migrants as “The Forty-mile Desert.” The scene on the Forty-mile Desert is bleak, flat, and featureless. The Carson Sink is visible as you speed by on Interstate 80 and one can only imagine crossing it on foot or in a slow-moving wagon.
   Migrants often wrote of their disgust for conditions at the end of the Humboldt. Amasa Morgan lamented that, “This river that forces its way 290 miles through narrow Kanyans sandy deserts and around many a mountain here is lost in the earth, and whare its waters go to no one knows.” David Hindman called the area “a pool of black, stagnant water…upon which the stillness of death was resting.” A migrant named Addison Crane wrote a poem expressing his disdain for the Humboldt River:
       Farewell to thee, thou stinking, turbid stream,
       Amid who's waters frogs and serpents glean.
       Thou putrid mass of filth, farewell forever.

   At the Humboldt Bar the trail divided with one branch going northwest to the Truckee River and the other southeasterly to the Carson River. Both distances were about the same which most diaries estimate to be a little more than forty miles. Rumors and advice based on hearsay persuaded travelers that one or the other route would be better to take. Actually they were about equally bad. The Truckee route led to Donner Pass and the Carson route crossed the Sierra Nevada at Carson Pass. Crossing the Sierras is the subject of another blog. Before crossing the Forty-mile Desert, they first tried to prepare for their animals. They filled everything that could hold water—kegs, boilers, kettles, coffee pots, and rubber boots, and cut extra grass to carry over the desert expanse.
   Joseph Berrien said the forty-five miles of desert had fifteen miles of heavy sand and advised, “Be careful to drive in the night. Expect to find the worst desert you ever saw and you will find it worse than you expected.” Thomas Evershed described his first impression of the Carson Sink as, “a beautiful sheet of water seemingly about a mile across with the reflections of the mountains in it. …it was a mirage, the first we had seen. Soon it disappeared, leaving not a trace behind except the carcass of an old ox. Oh! For a drink of good ice water.”
   Whether traveling by day or night the Carson Sink was a perilous time for man and beast. One migrant wrote, “During the day our supply of water became exhausted. The teams began to fail. The roadside was almost covered with the carcasses of animals that could not make further progress and lay there.” When the animals died there was no way to pull the wagon, leaving many wagons abandoned along the roadside. They reported that the dead animals created “unsupportable stench, while the moans and creaky teeth of the yet living was enough to move a dragon to pity. Wagons abandoned by their owners are to be seen in every direction.”
   Writing about the Forty-mile Desert crossing Luzena Wilson wrote, “It was a hard march over the desert. The men were tired of goading on the poor oxen which seemed ready to drop at every step. They were covered with a thick coating of dust, even the tongue which hung from their mouths was swollen with thirst and heat.” Wilson continued his description of the desert crossing and told of the change he saw as they neared the Carson River. “The miserable beasts seemed to scent the freshness in the air, and they raised their heads and traveled more briskly. Within half a mile of the river the animals broke into a run in a stampede and refused to stop until they had plunged neck deep in the refreshing flood and when they were unyoked they snorted, tossed their heads and rolled over and over in the water.…after a journey of two thousand miles they raised heads and tails and galloped at full speed, an emigrant wagon with flapping sides jolting at their heels.” The Carson Sink gradually accumulated cattle carcasses and abandoned wagons left by travelers whose oxen had collapsed in the desert. A migrant then had no choice but to finish the trek on foot carrying what belongings he could on his back.
   Based on the accounts of travelers on the California Trail it is clear it was a trip of hardship from the beginning. But the last segment crossing the Forty-mile Desert took a heavy toll. Most people managed to complete the crossing, but in a demoralized state. Regardless they had no choice but to press on to the next hurdle, the Sierra Nevada Mountains, another grueling episode requiring the last bit of energy from man and beast.

Sources
Bagley, Will. With Golden Visions Bright Before Them: Trails to the Mining West 1849-1852. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 2012.
Morgan, Dale L., The Humboldt: Highroad of the West. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 1943.

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